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January 23, 1970

Days of Disquiet, Nights of Rage

Under Ferdinand Marcos’ first term, the Philippines was plagued with poverty. It was under his term in the early 1960s that the Philippines experienced a disappointing economic performance: increasing government debt, high inflation, and unemployment. Such economic depression encouraged civilians to air their strife—some of these protests resulted in violent dispersals.Despite the country’s ordeal, by the end of 1969, the majority of Filipinos still continued believing in Marcos’ capability that he won the November 11, 1969 elections. This granted him his second term and was supposedly his last in accordance with the 1935 Philippine Constitution. Although the majority has gained him the privileged powers vested in him, it is undeniable that the country’s poverty and the ballooning debt caused by his administration did not leave the people’s scrutinyThis caused days of disquiet and nights of rage from as early as January 1970 until March. There has been a series of protests held at Plaza Miranda, the US Embassy, Mendiola, and Sunken Garden. One of which was the protest on January 23 attended by 50,000 protesters after he delivered his fifth State of the Nation Address (SONA) in the National Museum of Fine Arts–the then legislative building. But the most remarkable and most violent protest was the Battle of Mendiola on January 30, 1970, that which lasted until 5 pm.The cry of the protesters as they marched towards their rendezvous was: “Makibaka! Huwag matakot!”This series of protests is not only attended by progressive organizations, but also students, student farmers, laborers, and urban groups to the point that Enrique Sta. Brigida, a student of Lyceum of the Philippines, was caught and tortured to death by the police because of his participation in these rallies.Sources:
[1] https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/warningsigns/
[2] https://upd.edu.ph/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/UPDate-Vol4-Num1-12-First-Quarter-Storm-Timeline.pdf.
[3] https://www.rappler.com/nation/251141-first-quarter-storm-1970-revisited/.

August 21, 1971

Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus

As the Liberal Party conducted its proclamation rally at Plaza Miranda on August 21, 1971, two hand grenades were thrown onto the stage by an unidentified person. Such a disaster cost nine lives and injured around a hundred attendees including politician Jovito Salonga who was onstage.After the catastrophic bombing encounter at Plaza Miranda, Marcos suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus to stifle the communist insurgency as he firmly believed the bombing was executed by the communist party CPP-NPA. The suspension of the writ of habeas corpus allows arrest even without any proof of arrest warrants; this helps to easily catch the enemies of the country: the communists.“I, President Marcos, President of the Philippines by virtue the powers vested upon me by article 7, section 10, paragraph 2 of the constitution do hereby suspend the privilege of writ of habeas corpus.”The suspension of the writ of the habeas corpus was considered the prelude to what would come the following year.Sources:
https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/warningsigns/
https://vimeo.com/314920652

September 13, 1972

Oplan Saggitarius

On September 13, 1972, Senator Benigno Aquino delivered his privileged speech and revealed, “Oplan Saggitarius,” ordered by the Philippine President himself, Ferdinand Marcos. In his privileged speech, Aquino expounded that “Oplan Saggitarius” is a top-secret plan that will place Manila and other nearby areas under the control of the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. Marcos will use the series of bombings in Manila—including the 1971 Plaza Miranda bombing as justification for his takeover and subsequent authoritarian rule [2].Three days after Ninoy delivered his privilege speech, Marcos accused Aquino of being an accomplice to the Communist Party CPP-NPA-NDF led by Jose Maria Sison**Sources:
[1]http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/beforeedsa.php.
[2]https://www.martiallawchroniclesproject.com/declaration-of-martial-law/. **

September 22, 1972

The Trigger

On the night of September 22, 1972, past 8 pm, Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile was driven from his office. When they were along Mandaluyong district, their two-car party was overtaken by a car driven by armed men and rained Enrile’s white Mercedes-Benz sedan with 30 bullets.“A speeding car rushed and passed the escort car where I was riding. Suddenly, it opened several bursts of gunfire toward my car and sped away. The attack was so sudden that it caught everyone by surprise. No one in the convoy was able to fire back.”Enrile wrote in his 2012 biography.Enrile would have died during that ambush if only he was in his car targeted by the gunmen. The ambush led Marcos to declare Martial Law immediately on the eve of September 23, 1972—hours after the attempted assault on Enrile’s safety. But in 1986, after Martial Law was lifted when Ferdinand Marcos was ousted, Enrile admitted in a media conference at Camp Crame that the ambush was staged and was planned for Martial Law to be juridically justified. There were also eyewitnesses that could prove the sham of the ambush.“Our driver happened to be bringing our car into our driveway at around that time, so he saw the whole thing. He told me that there was a car that came and stopped beside a Meralco post. Some people got out of the car, and then there was another car that came by beside it and started riddling it with bullets to make it look like it was ambushed. But nobody got killed or anything like that. My driver saw this. He was describing it to me.”Oscar Lopez narrated what his family driver had seen, attesting to the fake ambush.**Source:
[1] https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/warningsigns/.
[2] https://www.nytimes.com/1972/09/23/archives/defense-chief-unharmed-philippines-sets-martial-law-after-attack-on.html.
[3] https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/inside-track/212616-juan-ponce-enrile-versions-ambush-1972/.
[4] https://philippinediaryproject.com/2021/08/27/a-timeline-of-martial-law/. **

September 23, 1972

The Declaration

On the eve of September 23, 1972, via radio and television, Ferdinand Marcos declared the nation under the state of Martial Law on the grounds of communist insurgency and the ambush of Minister in Defense Juan Ponce Enrile.“I have proclaimed Martial Law in accordance with the powers vested in the president by the constitution of the Philippines. The proclamation of martial law is not a military take over. I, as your duly elected president of the republic use this power which may be implemented by the military authorities but still is a power embodied in the constitution to protect the republic of the Philippines and our democracy [4]…The proclamation of martial law is not a military takeover. It had to be done to protect the Philippines and our democracy… I repeat, this is not a military takeover… the Government of the Republic of the Philippines which was established by our people in 1946 continues. Again, I repeat. This is the same Government that you and the people established in 1946 under the Constitution of the Philippines.”Martial law entails the domination of military rule in the state. In the Philippine context, this is not solely characterized by such, but it is also characterized by the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, curfews, and shutdown of public utilities including outbound and inbound air transport. On that very same day, Martial Law was implemented by Ferdinand Marcos, the opposition to the Marcos regime—a rough estimate of 8,000 were arrested [2] including 4 senators, several congressmen, and journalists. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino and Jose “Pepe” Diokno were part of the four arrested senators during the first in a series of political arrests. Senator Arturo recounted Ninoy’s arrest in Room 1701 at the Manila Hilton.It was close to midnight when the telephone rang, and the clerk who answered it called for Sen. Aquino who answered it. It took multiple exchanges until the call ended and Ninoy announced that martial law was declared by Ferdinand Marcos.It was close to midnight when the telephone rang, and the clerk who answered it called for Sen. Aquino who answered it. It took multiple exchanges until the call ended and Ninoy announced that martial law was declared by Ferdinand Marcos."Gentlemen, martial law has been declared and I am being arrested. Colonel Gatan is coming up to get me. He says he knows how many of my men are here, but he has a truckload of soldiers, so to spare lives of innocent people in the hotel he asked me not to make any move."Teodoro M. Locsin was a journalist during the time of martial law and was also arrested together with Aquino and Diokno. He recounted how they were treated during that time."We were fingerprinted” and photographed with numbers on their chests “like common criminals."They were imprisoned in Camp Crame and then Fort Bonifacio later on.Sources:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/magaral/declaration-of-martial-law/.
[2]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/featured/infographic-day-marcos-declared-martial-law-september-23-1972/.
[3]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/featured/the-history-of-the-senate-of-the-philippines/.
[4]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8amyy1hwmJs.
[5]https://philippinediaryproject.com/2021/08/27/a-timeline-of-martial-law/.

September 28, 1972

And then, It was just Static Noise

Arresting journalists such as Teodoro Locsin did not satiate Ferdinand Marcos’ quenching thirst to silence dissenting opinions and criticisms of his regime, and on September 28, 1972, Marcos issued a Letter of Instruction No. 1 that authorizes the military to sequestrate the assets of major media outlets—including that of Marcos’ known media critique, ABS-CBN; Channel 5 was also part of the media that was shut down."The enemy uses the weapons of modern revolution, the media - newspapers, television and radio -to promote anything that assaults and destroys the foundation of society. Therefore, the commander-in-chief must meet this threat not only with modern artillery, tanks, bullets and rifles, but with the most sophisticated weapons of preventive operations, of even media.
This is the rationale for the arrest of some in media who consciously the printing, publication, dissemination, and spreading of stories to undermine the system in which we live; strengthened the morale, or give aid and comfort to the enemy." Ferdinand Marcos in his address at Malacañan Palace Reception Hall.292 radio stations, 66 community newspapers, 11 English weekly magazines, 7 television stations, 7 major English dailies, 4 Chinese dailies, 3 Filipino dailies, 1 English-Filipino daily, and 1 Spanish daily were recorded to have been shut down.Although not all media outlets were shut down, what is appalling is that the remaining media outlets allowed to operate belonged to Marcos’ cronies. Thus, the news content published and disseminated to the public favors Ferdinand Marcos.**Source:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/magaral/breaking-the-news-silencing-the-media-under-martial-law/.
[2]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/featured/infographic-day-marcos-declared-martial-law-september-23-1972/.
[3]https://philippinediaryproject.com/2021/08/27/a-timeline-of-martial-law/. **

1985

Land Not To the Tillers

Ferdinand Marcos signed and implemented Presidential Decree 27 (PD 27) which intends to emancipate the tenants from the bondage of the soil and transfer to them the ownership of the land they till. Because of PD 27’s wonderful promise, it became the hallmark of Ferdinand Marcos’ Agrarian Reform Program . However, PD 27 only covered 14% of agricultural lands and only 17% of farm workers. PD 27’s clause limiting the tenants’ land ownership to 3-5 hectares came as a hindrance, depriving 55% of the farmer-settlers of rice and corn lands to own lands.However, not even two years after this decree was implemented, General Order (GO) 47 and Presidential Decree (PD) 472 were implemented which undermined the full effectiveness of PD 27. In accordance with GO 47, corporations are required to provide for the needs of their employees: rice and corn. Instead of spending money on uncultivated lands, corporations invaded the lands tended by small farmer-settlers. As such, corporate farming and the agrarian reform program came into a conflict causing rural poverty to increase from 55.6% in 1971 to 63.7% in 1985.Source:
[1] https://martiallawmuseum.ph/magaral/the-marcos-agrarian-reform-program-promises-and-contradictions/.
[2] https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/1972/10/21/presidential-decree-no-27/.

_December 1, 1971 _

extended powers

While martial law continues to be implemented: curfews were imposed, the shutdown of public utilities, and continuous arrests of the opposition, activists, labor leaders, and journalists [3]; Ferdinand Marcos was working on the quashal of the 1943 Philippine Constitution and replacing it with another that would let him remain in power since December 1st of 1971.His plans finally came into fruition on January 10-15, 1973 when the 1973 Philippine constitution was approved. Results reported that 90% of the citizens voted in favor of the new constitution even though some communities did not participate in the Citizens Assemblies.And on January 17, 1973, Marcos officially announced that the 1973 Philippine Constitution was ratified and ordered to padlock congress.Sources:
[1]http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/beforeedsa.php.
[2]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/constitutions/.
[3]https://philippinediaryproject.com/2021/08/27/a-timeline-of-martial-law/.

_1973 _

The opposition

The republic of the Philippines remained under military rule in 1973, Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino despite behind bars was still able to publish open letters against the Marcos Regime. These published letters became the reason for Aquino and Jose "Pepe" Diokno to be transferred—blindfolded and handcuffed—to Laur, Nueva Ecija."I found myself inside a newly painted room, roughly four by five meters with barred windows, the outside of which was boarded with plywood panels.” Aquino narrates his transfer from Fort Bonificaio to Laur, Nueva Ecija "They were brought back to Fort Bonifacio after enduring 30 days of confinement, and Aquino faced charges of subversion, murder, and illegal possession of firearms. But Ninoy refused to participate in the trial; rather than plead not guilty, he delivered a speech denouncing the trial."Sirs: I know you to be honorable men. But the one unalterable fact is that you are subordinates of the President. You may decide to preserve my life, but he can choose to send me to death. Some people suggest that I beg for mercy. But this I cannot in conscience do. I would rather die on my feet with honor, than live on bended knees with shame."The trials for Ninoy's charges were suspended the same year it was filed: 1973, but the trial resumed in 1975. He was found guilty in 1977 and was sentenced to death.Although Ninoy was found guilty and sentenced to death, freedom was given to him in 1980 due to a heart attack. With permission from the Marcos administration, he treated his ailment in Texas and settled in Massachusetts as an exile.Source:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/magaral/from-senator-to-prisoner-the-story-of-ninoy-aquino/.

February 16-27, 1981

Papal Visit: A Divine Intervention

In 1981, Pope St. John Paul II was set to visit the Philippines, specifically from February 16-27, 1981 [2]. At this time, martial law is still in effect, but Ferdinand Marcos had other things in mind. Days before Pope St. John Paul II arrived, Ferdinand Marcos lifted the long-time imposed martial law to receive a good impression from the Pope himself. However, this did not give the Filipino people their whole freedom as he still retained extra-legal powers.Instead of receiving the Pope’s good impression, Marcos instead received a confrontation from the Pope about human rights. On February 17, 1981, Pope St. John Paul II delivered his speech at the presidential palace, and with Ferdinand Marcos by his side, he reminded the President that human rights violations have no justification even to meet exceptional security needs."Even in exceptional situations that may at times arise, one can never justify any violation of the fundamental dignity of the human person or of the basic rights that safeguard this dignity. Legitimate concern for the security of a nation, as demanded by the common good, could lead to the temptation of subjugating to the State the human being and his or her dignity and rights. Any apparent conflict between the exigencies of security and of the citizens' basic rights must be resolved according to the fundamental principle—upheld always by the Church—that social organization exists only fοr the service of man and for the protection of his dignity, and that it cannot claim to serve the common good when human rights are not safeguarded."After the Pope’s speech, it was Ferdinand Marcos’s time to speak but he discarded his prepared welcome remarks for the Pope. Instead, he gave an emotional extemporaneous speech apologizing for past differences between his government and the Catholic church.Sources:
[1]http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/beforeedsa.php.
[2]https://www.licas.news/2020/02/25/pope-st-john-paul-iis-1981-visit-manila-under-marcos/.
[3] https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/speeches/1981/february/documents/hfjp-iispe19810217manila-presidente.html.
[4]https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1981/02/18/pope-in-manila-declares-rights-must-be-upheld/8d837b01-9c34-4823-8905-b887fa49b766/.

August 21, 1983

stairway to death

"I have asked myself many times: Is the Filipino worth suffering, or even dying for? Is he not a coward who would yield to any colonizer, be he foreign or homegrown? Is a Filipino more comfortable under an authoritarian leader because he does not want to be burdened with the freedom of choice? Is he unprepared, or worse, ill-suited for presidential or parliamentary democracy? I have carefully weighed the virtues and faults of the Filipino and I have come to the conclusion that he is worth dying for.” Aquino’s speech in 1981 to the Movement for Free Philippines in Los Angeles."Despite the warnings and his family’s protests, Aquino still returned to the Philippines on August 21, 1983, to negotiate with Marcos."I’d rather die a meaningful death than lead a meaningless life." Aquino’s reply to his family and friends’ warnings.And just like what his family and friends had warned him, he was shot dead as he dismounted from the plane. His assassination served as the trigger for the Filipinos’ pent-up anger. For 11 hours, over a million people marched to Manila Memorial Park to mourn his death.As the people marched to Manila Memorial Park, they sang “Bayan Ko” and chanted, “Ninoy, Ninoy, Ninoy we love you.”Source:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/magaral/from-senator-to-prisoner-the-story-of-ninoy-aquino/.
[2]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/roadtoedsa/.

1985

Volcano Eruption: Filipino’s Pent-Up Rage

After more than 2 years since Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino’s assassination, the opposition and the guerilla movements against martial law grew in numbers because of the Philippines’ situation.To prove that he is still an effective leader, Marcos called for snap elections on ABC-TV’s “This Week with David Brinkley."Well I understand the opposition has been asking for an election. In answer to their request, I announce that I am ready to call a snap election perhaps earlier than eight months, perhaps three months or less…I think we have to settle it by calling an election right now. Say give everybody 60 days or so to campaign and bring the issues to the people. I’m ready, I’m ready…You raise the question of the ineptness ... the effectivity of armed forces ... perhaps the other institutions of the government. I think this should be brought to our people…what the people say about this question of support."Without further prompting, Marcos said that his Philippine opposition has been asking for an election and that he is ready to call for one in three months or less “if all these childish claims to popularity on both sides have to be settled."It probably would be sufficient,” he said, “for the legislature, upon my suggestion . . . to include in the pending election code a statement to the effect that, in addition to the other causes for holding a special election--which are the proved disability of the president, his death, his removal from office and resignation . . . you can add another instance: where, in his judgment, there is need to bring a fundamental issue to the people"Source:
[1]https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1985-11-04-mn-22-story.html.
[2]https://apnews.com/article/4129ae5b82d8ba4432d92995be3a4a19.

February 7, 1986

In A Snap: Elections and Fraud Results

The snap elections took place on February 7, 1986. On February 10, 1986, there have been multiple complaints of widespread fraud by Ferdinand Marcos’ supporters and 30 computer workers in the Government’s vote-counting agency reported that the returns are being falsified in favor of Ferdinand Marcos; vote-buying was also prevalent. All these activities show a lack of respect for electoral procedures."There is no evil or malicious, mischievous intent on the part of the Government.'' Ferdinand Marcos aired his side about the allegations thrown at him in NBC and ABC News interviews. He commented that the allegations were ''part of a smear campaign,'' and added, ''I find it degrading." He went on further and said that the main problem was that voters were "held back by priests, nuns, and Namfrel representatives."On February 15 11:39 pm, the National Assembly—dominated by Ferdinand Marcos’ political party proclaimed Marcos the winner of the February 7 snap elections. However, this was recieved with public outrage. At a televised late-night victory celebration at Malacanang Palace, Mr. Marcos said the election "strengthened the spirit of the Filipino nation"With Marcos’ victory announced, this led for the opposition’s indignation rally on February 16, 1986 called Bayan rally [2]. During the Bayan rally held at Luneta, Cory Aquino spoke to around two million people, and called for massive civil disobedience and boycott of Marcos-crony owned companies and products"We have not come to celebrate victory,” Aquino told the huge but largely glum crowd. “Nor have we come to concede defeat. We have come . . . to continue the struggle against the forces of evil and in this we are not alone. We, the people, are together. I am not asking for a violent revolution. This is not the time for that."Cory Aquino’s speech was replied with her mass of supporters chanting, “Dictator! Dictator!”"Let us show Marcos and the world he is not supported by the people,” Aquino declared, adding that the protest should be a peaceful “day of prayer.**Sources:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/roadtoedsa/.
[2]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/edsa/the-ph-protest/.
[3]https://www.nytimes.com/1986/02/16/world/marcos-is-declared-victor-aquino-says-he-is-beaten-reagan-calls-vote-suspect.html.
[4]https://www.nytimes.com/1986/02/10/world/observers-of-vote-cite-wide-fraud-by-marcos-party.html.
[5]https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1986-02-17-mn-8984-story.html. **

February 22-25, 1986

Guns’ Downfall to Flowers and Rosaries

For four days, millions of Filipino people went out to the streets of Manila, specifically— along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) to oust the strongman Ferdinand Marcos [1]. Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, who was part of the declaration of Martial Law in 1972, absconded Marcos’ side

DAY ONE

On February 22, 1986, at 6:45 in the evening, the then Defense Minister Juan Ponce-Nerile and AFP Vice Chief of Staff Gen. Fidel Ramos announced their desertion from the marcos regime."We're going to die here fighting," Enrile during their 6:45 pm press conference.Their announcement called for support coming from the Catholic Church. At 9 pm, through radio veritas, Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin called on people to support for Enrile and Ramos. Since then, radio veritas continued with its blow-by-blow report of the siege."Leave your homes now. I ask you to support Mr. Enrile and Gen. Ramos, give them food if you like, they are our friends." Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin encouraging the people to support Enrile and Ramos.At 10:30 pm, Marcos appeared on television and called for Enrile and Ramos’ surrender.“I am in control of the situation.” said Marcos about Enrile and Ramos absconsion from Marcos. “Stop this stupidity and surrender so we may negotiate.” Marcos said to Enrile and Ramos.“Enough is enough, Mr. President. Your time is up. Do not miscalculate our strength now.” Enrile’s reply to Marcos through radio Veritas.

DAY two

On February 23, 1986, Cory Aquino held a press briefing in Cebu to encourage people’s support for Enrile and Ramos; called on “decent elements in the military” to side with the Filipino peeople; and she asked Marcos to step down.Throng of the Filipino people heeded the calls to support Enrile and Ramos’ cause. For the rest of the day, the road was a sea of people rallying against Marcoss administration—calling for him to step down. As people gathered on the streets, the White House issued a statement questioning the Marcos government’s credibility and legitimacy; Marcos also received a letter from Pope John Paul II asking for a peaceful resolution to the crisis.At 6:30 pm, Radio Veritas went off the air as the emergency transmitters was neutralized by the military. However, at about 11:30 pm, Radio Veritas’ broadcaster June Kiethley moved and broadcasted to dzRJ using Radio Veritas’ frequency of 840 kHz to keep her location secret.

DAY three

“We’ll wipe them out. It is obvious they are committing rebellion.” Marcos speaking on radio.On the eve of Word spread out that Marcos was planning an attack. Thus at 1 am, church bells were rung. People again gathered on the streets, tires are set ablaze and sandbags and rocks are piled up to block the roads to Camp Crame.With the worsening situation, the then US President Ronald Reagen refused to personally tell Marcos to step down from his position but offered Marcos an asylum. However, Marcos refused.As time passed by, the tension between the people and the Marcos loyalist soldiers led by Col. Braulio Balbas. Teargas, were used against civilians who still stood their ground despite such chaos.Within 6 am, there were reports that the Marcoses departed, which was also confirmed by Ramos."This is the day of our liberation!" Ramos and Enrile announced to the cheering crowd after hearing rumors about the Marcoses departing.However, this celebration was outlived when Marcos appeared on television at 9 am, declaring a state of emergency and has no intention to step down from his position. Such announcement did no waver the people’s determination to oust him. People continued to flock in EDSA.When the evening came, the United States abandoned their alliance with Marcos’ regime and endorsed Aquino’s government. But with Marcos’ stubbornness at an all time high, he asserted his powers through television aired past 8 pm.

DAY FOUR

On the eve of February 25, 1986, the rumor of the Marcoses escaping increased by this time. But still, Ferdinand Marcos attempted to fight for his position because at past midnight, soldiers fired at barricades at rebels—many were wounded caused by such an attack; and despite the suggestion of Marcos’ labor minister Blas Ople for Marcos and his family to escape, he still refused because Imelda Marcos did not want to leave.5 AM. On the phone to Washington, President Marcos asks US Sen. Paul Laxalt if he should resign. Laxalt’s reply: “I think you should cut, and cut cleanly. The time has come.”It was at 11:55 am that Marcos will be sworn into office. The ceremony was held in Malacanang’s Ceremonial Hall. But as he raised his hand to take his oath, the live television forecast was abruptly cut.It was between 5 to 6 pm that the rumors of the Marcoses’ departure was confirmed. Marcos called Enrile with an appeal to stop the rebels firing the Palace, and mentioned his willingness to leave the palace.With such announcement, the US Embassy notified the Palace of its terms: the Marcoses had only two hours to leave. 5 U.S. helicopters were used for the Marcos family’s departure. The first helicopter took off at 9:05 pm and followed by the remaining 4.Sources:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/roadtoedsa/.
[2]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/edsa/the-ph-protest/.
[3]https://www.inquirer.net/edsa/timeline/.
[4]https://news.abs-cbn.com/focus/02/21/17/timeline-edsa-people-power-revolution.

February 25, 1985

Thieves on the Loose

On February 25, 1986, Ferdinand Marcos’s presidency came to an end. However, the day before, he had already completely lost the power over the military. On the night of February 25, Ferdinand Marcos and his family fled to Hawaii with looted gold bricks and diamond jewelries.On February 25, 1986 at 9:52 pm, Radio dzRH announces: “The Marcoses have fled the country.”Sources:
[1]https://martiallawmuseum.ph/interactive/roadtoedsa/.
[2]https://www.hawaiinewsnow.com/2019/06/05/chapter-iii-exile/.
[3]https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/featured/the-fall-of-the-dictatorship/,
[4]https://www.inquirer.net/edsa/timeline/.

MYTH:

Martial Law was necessary to address Communist Rebellion

FACT:

Under martial law, thousands of Marcos’ opponents were arrested. CPP-NPA activists living in Philippine cities fled to the organization’s bases in the countryside. From 500 members involving the communist insurgency, it has grown to an organized national movement of 16,000 and more after his presidency.Sources: https://www.nytimes.com/1986/09/14/weekinreview/philippine-communists-are-spread-widely-but-not-thinly.html
https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/citations/AD1020399

MYTH:

Violence in Mindanao was getting out of hand!

FACT:

There was no imminent danger of a viable secessionist rebellion in Mindanao in spite of the sectarian violence of armed Christian and Muslim groups in the early 1970s. More so, the declaration of martial law resulted in an armed Muslim insurgency against the state instead of solving it.Source: https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft0199n64c&chunk.id=d0e2422&toc.depth=1&toc.id=d0e2422&brand=ucpress

MYTH:

Widespread Anarchy and Violence, even Jonny (Enrile) got ambushed!

FACT:

Although there was social unrest and increased social mobilization in the time immediately before Martial Law imposition, there is little evidence that there was widespread anarchy and chaos necessitating the declaration of Martial Law in September 1972. Enrile admitted that the attack on his car had been faked.Source: https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/284836/true-or-false-was-1972-enrile-ambush-faked

MYTH:

“Sa panahon ni Marcos, datu kaayo ang Pilipinas.”

FACT:

For a time, at the early years of Martial Law, the Philippine economy was doing good but this was short-lived as Marcos’ economic policies were unsustainable. Soon after, the debts ballooned more than we could pay and we were paying debt by making more debt. In numbers:A year after Marcos declared Martial Law, the country’s GDP growth rate rose from 5.4% to 8.8% and quickly declined to 3.4% the year after. In 1975-1976 the GDP growth rate rose back due to a production surplus but the economy continued to fluctuate and suffered up to -7% fall towards the end of his regime.Inflation during Martial Law peaked at 50.3% in 1984 from 10% in 1983. This extreme climate in the Philippine economy was one of the causes of social unrest leading to the 1986 EDSA People Power.Since 1972, at 5.4% unemployment upon martial law declaration, the unemployment rate in the country has been low for a few years until 1981 when it quickly rose back up, closing the Marcos regime at 9.1% unemployed Filipino workforce.Martial Law declaration started with a 29.9% external debt to Gross National Income (GNI) which ballooned to 86.3% of debt vs income by 1986. According to estimations by experts, this debt will take up to 40 years after the EDSA revolution until taxpayer money can pay it off.Source: https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators

MYTH:

“Ang piso sa una dako na kaayo. Kanang imo dos, usa ka dolyar na.”

FACT:

By the start of Marcos’ first term as president, the peso-US dollar exchange rate was already at 3.90 Php per 1 USD. After his $50-M election campaign in 1969, the exchange rate was already at 6 pesos per US dollar. By 1986, one US dollar was already worth 20 Philippine pesos. The Php 2.00 per USD exchange rate was only during the 1950s.Source: https://fx.sauder.ubc.ca/etc/USDpages.pdf

MYTH:

* “Panahon ra jud ni Marcos nakapatukod anang mga dagkong bilding ug tulay.”*

FACT:

Ferdinand and Imelda alike spearheaded many momentous architectural landmarks but experts say most of these construction projects were “not very productive and many were outrightly wasteful” and that they mainly were “designed to secure a political constituency, to get a commission, or to corner a contract.” Records from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund show that these infrastructure projects were funded by foreign loans.Source: https://newslab.philstar.com/31-years-of-amnesia/building-spree

MYTH:

* “Ngano mangawat pa man nga kaklaro anang datu na sila daan.”*

FACT:

According to a 2003 Supreme Court ruling, the total computed undeclared assets of the Marcos family, also called “ill-gotten wealth,” was found to be more than 2,000 times the legitimate income Marcos has earned as president of the country for 22 years.Source: https://elibrary.judiciary.gov.ph/thebookshelf/showdocs/1/48708

MYTH:

“Nag-una gayud ang Pilipinas sa Asya panahon ni Marcos.”

FACT:

During the 1950s, before the Marcos regime, the Philippines relatively topped the economic ranks in terms of income. But as debt grew without clear strategies for payment, coupled with overspending beyond means, our ASEAN neighbors quickly raced past us and we became the laggard of Asia.Source: Penn World Table 9.0

MYTH:

“Kung tinuod nga kawatan ug makasasala si Marcos, ngano wala man na ma preso?”

FACT:

Ferdinand Marcos Sr. died in 1989 only three years after his exile and while he was prosecuted, there are no records of conviction before his death. However, several rulings such as the Swiss Federal Supreme Court, New Jersey Supreme Court, and Singapores’ Court of Appeals have ruled in favor of the Philippine government against the Marcos family’s ill-gotten wealth through various offshore accounts linking to their assets.This myth has been a common defense for the Marcos family including the dictator’s son, current president Bongbong Marcos. This is still a lie. Marcos Jr. was convicted in 1997 for tax evasion.Source: Swiss Federal Supreme Court, New Jersey Supreme Court, and Singapore’s Court of Appeals, Philippine Supreme Court G.R. No. 120880

MYTH:

“Marcos was the most decorated military soldier in Philippine History.”

FACT:

It is proven that there are no records that show his claims of being a war hero is true. Army investigators have debunked his fictitious guerrilla unit called ‘Maharlika’. Moreover, with the help of the Philippine Army, U.S. Veterans’ Administration found out that some of the members of the said guerrilla unit were actually selling contraband to the Japanese.Read more: https://newslab.philstar.com/31-years-of-amnesia/war-hero

MYTH:

“If (BBM) Marcos wins, he will distribute the tallano golds!”

FACT:

Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the Philippines) has denied storing 400,000 tons of “Tallano Gold”—even the late dictator’s son, Bongbong Marcos, has rejected its existence. In an interview with DZBB during his presidential campaign, Bongbong Marcos clarified, “Walang ginto.”Source: https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1550323/walang-ginto-bongbong-marcos-says-on-familys-gold

MYTH:

"The prophet Nostradamus foretold Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.’s presidential win.”

FACT:

Nostradamus was an astrologer who gained fame from his book of prophecies, “Les Prophéties,” but there is no mention of “pearl of the orient seas” referring to the Philippines nor of the name “Marcos” explicitly or otherwise.

MYTH:

*“Paninira lang yan ng mga Liberal, dinelete na kase di totoo”
*

FACT:

Guinness stated the records were removed to reassess data; however, the institution clarified that the reassessment does not correlate to renouncing or disputing the historical fact.Source: https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2022/03/18/2168193/fact-check-guinness-not-disputing-historical-fact-greatest-robbery-govt

MYTH:

“Ka-experience mi ana! Marcos Project jud na.”

FACT:

Nutri Bun was a product of USAID’s mission in the Philippines in the late 1960s. The project was implemented during the administration of Marcos Sr., but it was not his own project.Resource: https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pnaag927.pdf#page=18

MYTH:

“Gi-plano jud na para ma-presidente ang asawa”

FACT:

Ninoy Aquino's assassination was the last straw to ending the atrocious two decades of Martial law under the Marcos regime. Although his death led to the uprising that elected his widow, Cory, many Filipinos assumed Ninoy Aquino staged his death to acquire the presidency from the Marcoses. However, statements from the suspects and the investigation reveals it was an assassination plot against Aquino, not the other way around.

MYTH:

“Luoy kaayo ang mga Marcos!”

FACT:

The latest controversial film, Maid in Malacanang, drew much criticism from many viewers. The untold tragic story revolved around the three maids who were to echo a story about the cruel aggression towards the Marcoses on their last days in the palace. However, the brutality towards the victims of their family's ruthless dictatorship seems more tragic Filipinos should know.

MYTH:

“Wala man naunsa akong pamilya.”

FACT:

While your family may not have been directly affected by the military abuse during martial law, data from Amnesty International records about 34,000 people were tortured and 70,000 were imprisoned. Not only that but 3,240 were also killed during his regime (1972-1981). These people had and have a family they needed to get back to. You may check the Human Rights Violations Victims’ Memorial Commission if you wish to read more of victims’ stories.